Fr. Gabriel Druillettes and the Mission of the Assumption

SOME Savages from the country of the Abnaquiois, coming to visit Noël Negabamat, Captain of the new Christians at the Residence of saint Joseph,—commonly called the Residence [77] of Sillery,—and seeing that this man was leading an entirely new life, were charmed with the novelty of his talk and the beauty of his morals, and had themselves instructed in his belief,—which appeared to them so beautiful and so reasonable that they embraced it with ardor. And, having then received holy Baptism, they returned to their own country, all full of joy, like the Eunuch of Queen Candace, to communicate to their countrymen the good news of the Gospel. Baptism made them Christians and Preachers at the same time; and they spoke boldly of Jesus Christ, in public and in private. The chief men of their country, desirous of participating in this good fortune, sent some of their number as delegates to the Father Superior of our Missions, to obtain some Missionaries of our Society, who should teach them the way to Heaven (as they expressed it), whereof their fellow-countrymen had given them the first intimation. They arrived at saint Joseph on the 14th of August of the year 1646; and after they had declared the purpose of their embassy, Father [page 241] Gabriel Druilletes was granted them. They conducted him to their boats on the 29th of the same month [78] of August, in the same year 1646, to carry him to their country, where he instructed them during the entire Autumn, Winter, and Spring,—when they finally carried him back to Kebec, all laden with Crosses and Palms. On the 15th of June of the year 1647, these good people, actuated by the pleasure that they had taken in a doctrine which astonished and comforted them at the same time, asked that their Father should be given back to them, after some days of rest and recuperation. For suitable reasons, however, their request could not be granted. They returned as many as two and three times during the years '48 and '49, without being able to obtain him, as we believed that other Missionaries nearer to their country would be able to give them religious instruction. Finally, returning in the year 1650, they pressed so urgently and with such good grace to have their Patriarch, (for so they call the Father,) that they bore him away on the first of September of the same year; then bringing him back in the month of June of the year 1651, they gave him only a fortnight's respite to gain strength in mind and body, whereupon they conducted him anew to the country of Crosses, whence he returned [79] on the 8th day of April of the past year, 1652. Among these people, who are so far removed from our customs, he had only one Frenchman for companion in his labors, which could with truth be called the labors of Hercules. But let us follow the memoirs that have been sent me concerning his journeys.

The first day of their voyage was the first day of their crosses. Although there is no road in these [page 243] great woods,—or, rather, although all the woods and all the rivers of these regions are naught but roads made for men and wild beasts, and for fishes,—yet one can take the shortest or the longest way, the easiest or the most difficult, to arrive at the end and destination he has in view. Now the Boatmen and Guides conducting the Father took some new routes that they had never traveled; and we have since learned that all those who had taken them before had either died of fatigue and hunger, or had thought they were going to die. After paddling and walking for a fortnight, by swollen streams and very bad roads, when they thought they were approaching the country of the Abnaquiois, they found [80] they had not yet accomplished a third part of their journey; and, to increase their misfortune, they were at the end of their supplies and provisions. The Father, seeing his people in this extreme destitution, had recourse to the God of men and animals,—offering him the sacrifice of his Son in those great forests; and conjuring him, by the Blood shed by him for these people, to succor them in their necessity. The end of his sacrifice was the end of their want. As he was leaving the Altar, a valiant Catechumen, who had plunged into these forest-depths to seek some remedy for their famine, came to offer him three Moose or Elks, which he had just killed. This manna, restoring life to them, was not received without astonishment and thanksgiving. The less they were expecting it and the more their need of it, the greater was their joy at tasting it. It is true, after one good meal, they had from it many very poor ones; for they salted, after the custom of the Savages, what was left them of their feast,—that is [page 245] to say, this meat was smoked, or dried in smoke, by them for the remainder of their journey, and it constituted their [81] sole dish. In these expeditions, the traveler does not know what bread is, or wine, or salt, or sauce. His toils call forth appetite, and appetite is the best cook in the world,—everything being good, everything excellent, in such circumstances. After this little refreshment, it was necessary to resume the paddle, and ascend against the current of the River saint John as far as its source. The shallows, stones, rocks, and portages of five or six leagues, that were to be encountered, so daunted an Etechemin Savage of the party that he wished with all his heart to turn his back on the country of the Abnaquiois, in order to follow the current of the River, and go to Pentagouët in Acadia, where this stream empties into the Ocean. When the Catechumen of whom I have just spoken represented to him the displeasure he would cause the Abnaquiois, who had been for so long a time awaiting their Patriarch, he took heart again. Putting forth all their strength in unison, they propelled their little boat of bark against the torrent's rapid current, through a thousand dangers of wreck. But, on the third day, this poor Etechemin lost heart a second time; and, although he was well aware [82] that the Father had not led them astray or involved them in these detours, yet, regarding him as the primary cause of this undertaking, he discharged upon him every moment the weight of his anger, which grew sharper as their difficulties and sufferings increased. At last, in order to appease that importunate fellow, the Father was forced to part with his companion and abandon his little baggage, to lighten their gondola. This done, [page 247] that man of ill humor took the bit in his teeth, as the saying is,—paddling in the torrents, and making his way over the portages with the Father and his Catechumen, without taking any rest from morning till night. The Geldings of England eat almost all night, and travel all day without being unbridled. The Americans of these regions do almost the same when they are on a journey. The poor Father set out at daybreak, and toiled on, without eating, until nightfall; his supper was a little of that smoked meat, hard as wood,—or a small fish, if he could catch one with his line; and, after saying his prayers, the ground was his bed, a log his pillow. Yet, with all that, he slept [83] more sweetly than those who do naught but dream upon feathers and down. At length, after 23 or 24 days of hard work, they arrived at one of the villages or towns of the Abnaquiois, called Nazanchouak. The Captain of the place, whose name was Oumamanradok, received them with a salvo of arquebus shots, and, embracing the Father, exclaimed: " I see well, now, that the great Spirit who commands in the Skies is pleased to regard us with favor, since he sends us back our Patriarch." His harangue was tolerably long, at the close of which he made inquiry of the Catechumen if the Father had been in good health on the journey, and if he had been well treated. Upon learning that the Savage from the country of the Etechemins had often given him trouble, he said to him, with a grave and very serious tone: " Thou hast shown, by not paying respect to our Patriarch, that thou hadst no sense. Thou wouldst have deserted him in the middle of the journey, and thou didst force him to part with his companion and leave behind a small [page 249] package that he was carrying with him. Wert thou under my authority, or one of my nation, I would make thee feel the displeasure thou hast occasioned to the whole country. " [84] This poor man, instead of excusing himself, uttered his own condemnation,—Savages not easily resisting the truth when they recognize it, although they do not always follow it. " It is true, " he made answer before all the assembly; " I have no sense, to have treated so badly a person to whom I myself am under great obligations. By his prayers he restored me to health when I had fallen ill, watching all night at my side and driving away by his orisons the Demon that wished to deprive me of life. When he saw that I was weak, he was not content with carrying his own baggage or packet in the places where we had to walk, but he also burdened himself with mine. He obtains from him who made all things everything that he wishes: when the water in our course was too low, he asked for rain to swell the streams, and he was immediately heard and ourselves much aided. When we were on the point of dying from hunger, he prayed for us; and he who is the master of the animals gave us meat, more than we needed for the rest of our journey. He himself did not eat of it, ordinarily, when it was fresh, but would catch with his line, toward night, some little fish, [85] with which he contented himself, leaving us the good pieces. When the water was not deep enough, and our Canoe was in danger of touching bottom, he would get out; in order to lighten us, and would walk, for six whole days, through thickets and among frightful rocks. In these toils he did not eat; but he would be found at nightfall fresher, gayer, and happier than we. [page 251] He is not a man; he is a Nioueskou,"—that is, a Spirit, or an extraordinary Genie; " and as for me, I am a dog to have treated him so ill. When I railed at him or threatened him, accusing him of being the cause of our ill luck, he would not say a word,—or, if he spoke, one would have believed that he was guilty, and that I was right in upbraiding him, so gentle and full of kindness were his answers. Yes, it is true, I have no sense, but I wish to have some; I will love prayer, and will have myself instructed by the Patriarch." That is the confession of this Etechemin Savage, and the remarks he made on the life of the Father. But let us continue on our way.

As soon as the Etechemin had finished his speech, [86] every man, woman, and child, without exception, came to show the Father the joy that was felt at his return. There was nothing but feasting in all the cabins, and he was taken and carried off with love. " At last thou art here, " they would say to him; " we behold thee, thou art our Father, our patriarch, and our dear fellow-countryman; for living with us, and remaining among us, thou art an Abnaquiois like us. Thou bringest back joy with thee to all the country. We were planning to leave our native land to go and find thee; for when we saw many die in thine absence, we were losing hope of going to Heaven. Those whom thou didst instruct did everything they had learned of thee,—but, being ill, their hearts sought thee and could not find thee; while those who have died longed for thee with tears. But at last thou hast come back."

Some made him affectionate reproaches: " If thou hast done us much good by thy presence, thou hast caused us great evils by thine absence. Hadst thou [page 253] remained with us, thou wouldst have instructed us fully; we are only half Christians, because thou [87] hast only half taught us. The Demon has laid waste our country, because we did not well know how we ought to have recourse to Jesus, who is his master."

"A Captain touched my heart, " says the Father. " He repeated to me often, in public and in private, that he loved his children more than himself. 'I have lost two of them,' added he, 'since thy departure. Their death is not my greatest grief, but thou didst not baptize them,—that is what afflicts me. It is true, I did to them what thou hadst bidden me; but I know not whether I did aright, and whether I shall ever see them in Heaven. If thou thyself hadst baptized them, I would not mourn them or be sorry because of their death; on the contrary, I would be comforted. If, to banish my sadness, thou wert willing at least to promise us not to think of Kebec for ten years, and not to leave us during that time, thou wouldst show that thou lovest us.' Thereupon, he conducted me to the grave of his two children, over whom he had planted two fine Crosses painted red, which he went to salute from time to time; it was within sight of the English themselves, who live at Koussinok, the Place where the Cemetery of these good [88] people is situated, because they hold two large assemblies on this spot,—one in the Spring, and the other in the Autumn.

"A young man—one of the most accomplished I have seen—gave me a surprise, " the Father remarks. "'I come from a great distance,' said he to me; 'I am not accustomed to appear in these parts. A very long time ago, some one whom I do not know urged and entreated me, within my heart to come and find [page 255] thee, and to obey what thou shoutdst say to me. Here I am, accordingly, in thy charge; teach me, and, if I transgress thy bidding, chastise me. I will tell thee everything; my heart shall be opened to thee, and thou shalt write therein what is in the book of Jesus. "'

As soon as the news of the Father's return was carried to the other villages of the Abnaquiois, people came from all sides to invite him, with earnest and pressing entreaties, to instruct all the country. He visited first the 12 or 13 settlements or villages of those tribes which are ranged partly along the river Kenebec, which the French commonly call Quinibequi, and partly along the coast of Acadia, which the English occupy. He was everywhere received like an Angel descended from Heaven. If the [89] years have their Winter, they also have their Spring. If these Missions have their griefs, they are not deprived of their joys and consolations. " These latter, " says the Father, " I have felt in such intensity as to be beyond the power of expression, upon seeing the Gospel seed that I had, four years previously, planted in ground which had for so many centuries produced only brambles and thorns, bear fruits worthy of God's table. Could one, indeed, without feeling a pleasure greater than that of the senses, see old men and languishing invalids almost die of joy upon receiving their passports for Heaven? Can one close his eyes in this cheerfulness without taking part in it ? Death, which inspires all with fear, makes a newly-baptized Savage rejoice; and his relatives' faith changes their lamentations and loud outcries to Thanksgivings and rejoicings at the prospect of soon seeing one another in Paradise. It is thus that the [page 257] really faithful ones conduct themselves, on the day of their departure from this life. "

After the Father had made his visits, and had spent some time in cultivating [go] the villages farther inland and at a greater distance from the English, he took with him Noël Negabamat, or Tekouerimat, Captain of the Christians of saint Joseph, to go down to new England. This valiant Neophyte was commissioned by the Algonquins of the great River, and the Father was sent as Agent, or Ambassador, by his good Abnaquiois Catechumens, to ask the English for some help against the Hiroquois, who were striving to exterminate those poor [Abnaquiois] peoples, as well as the Hurons and Algonquins. The Father went to Boston, to Pleymot,—in short, he journeyed over almost all new England, without prevailing on the English to put themselves to much trouble in aid of these poor nations, their neighbors. His embassy accomplished, he returned to his dear children, and spoke about making a journey to his brothers who were at Kebec. Those whom he had instructed and caused to be born in Jesus Christ, remonstrated with him affectionately; but he was forced to leave them, in order to go and render an account of his work.

To conclude this Chapter, I will say (speaking as the Savages speak) that the [91] sufferings, of which we have just spoken, encountered by the Father and his companion on their way to the country of the Abnaquiois, were no sufferings at all; but that they met with some on their return. Both he and all those who formed his escort thought they would die with hunger and cold; some even lost their lives in the snow, and in the excess of fatigue which one [page 259] must often enough endure in these expeditions. The Father and his dear companion sustained life for ten whole days without eating anything, after having fasted during the whole of Lent. At length they bethought themselves to boil their shoes, and afterward the Father's undershirt, which was made of Elk-skin; and when the snow had melted, they also cooked the cords or lacings of the snowshoes which, when it was deep, they used to keep themselves from sinking. All this seemed to them to have a good taste; the divine grace gives a marvelous seasoning to bitter doses that are taken for Jesus Christ's sake, In a word, they arrived at Kebec on the Monday after Easter, with no strength or vigor beyond that which, zeal for the saving of souls can impart to a skeleton, Non ex solo pane vivit homo. The Spirit of God is a good [92] and substantial nutriment. The emaciated countenance and exhausted body of this good Father did not deter another from setting out, with five or six Neophytes, in little bark Canoes, to go to the shores of Acadia and, by that route, find an easier approach to the tribes called Etechemins, Abnaquiois, Sokoquiois, Sourikois, Chaouanaquiois, Mahinganiois, Amirgankaniois, and numerous other savage nations, which are sedentary, and have villages of a thousand or two thousand fighting men. But let us continue the remaining account of the Mission carried on among the Abnaquiois. [page 261]

- Taken from Chapter VII, Vol. 37 of the Jesuit Relations

The Death of Fr. Sebastian Rale

Letter from Father de la Chasse, Superior-General of the Missions in New France, to Father * * *, of the same Society.

QUEBEC, October 29, 1724.

MY REVEREND FATHER,

The peace of Our Lord.

In the deep grief that we are experiencing from the loss of one of our oldest Missionaries, it is a grateful consolation to us that he should have been the victim of his own love, and of his zeal to maintain the Faith in the hearts of his Neophytes. From other letters you have already learned the origin of the war which broke out between the English and the Savages: with the former, a desire to extend their rule; with the latter, a horror of all subjection, and an attachment to their Religion — these caused, in the beginning, the misunderstandings which in the end were followed by an open rupture.

Father Rasles, the Missionary of the Abnakis, had become very odious to the English. As they were convinced that his endeavors to confirm the Savages in the Faith constituted the greatest obstacle to their plan of usurping the territory of the Savages, they put a price on his head; and more than once they had attempted to abduct him, or to take his life. At last they have succeeded in gratifying their passion of hatred, and in ridding themselves of the apostolic man; but, at the same time, they have procured for him a glorious death, which was ever the [Page 231] object of his desire, — for we know that long ago he aspired to the happiness of sacrificing his life for his flock. I will describe to you in few words the circumstances of that event. After many acts of hostility had been committed on both sides by the two Nations, a little army of Englishmen and their Savage allies, numbering eleven hundred men, unexpectedly came to attack the Village of Nanrantsouak. The dense thickets with which that Village is surrounded helped them to conceal their movements; and as, besides, it was not enclosed with palisades, the Savages were taken by surprise, and became aware of the enemy’s approach only by a volley from their muskets, which riddled all the cabins. At that time there were only fifty warriors in the Village. At the first noise of the muskets, they tumultuously seized their weapons, and went out of their cabins to oppose the enemy. Their design was not rashly to meet the onset of so many combatants, but to further the flight of the women and the children, and give them time to gain the other side of the river, which was not yet occupied by the English.

Father Rasles, warned by the clamor and the tumult of the danger which was menacing his Neophytes, promptly left his house and fearlessly appeared before the enemy. He expected by his presence either to stop their first efforts, or, at least, to draw their attention to himself alone, and at the expense of his life to procure the safety of his flock.

As soon as they perceived the Missionary, a general shout was raised which was followed by a storm of musket-shots that was poured upon him. He dropped dead at the foot of a large cross that he had [Page 233] erected in the midst of the Village, in order to announce the public profession that was made therein of adoring a crucified God. Seven Savages who were around him, and were exposing their lives to guard that of their father, were killed by his side.

The death of the Shepherd dismayed the flock; the Savages took to flight and crossed the river, part of them by fording, and part by swimming. They were exposed to all the fury of their enemies, until the moment when they retreated into the woods which are on the other side of the river. There they were gathered, to the number of a hundred and fifty. From more than two thousand gunshots that had been fired at them only thirty persons were killed, including the women and children; and fourteen were wounded. The English did not attempt to pursue the fugitives; they were content with pillaging and burning the Village: they set fire to the Church, after a base profanation of the sacred vessels and of the adorable Body of Jesus Christ.

The precipitate retreat of the enemy permitted the return of the Nanrantsouakians to the Village. The very next day they visited the wreck of their cabins, while the women, on their part, sought for roots and plants suitable for treating the wounded. Their first care was to weep over the body of their holy Missionary; they found it pierced by hundreds of bullets, the scalp torn off, the skull broken by blows from a hatchet, the mouth and the eyes filled with mud, the bones of the legs broken, and all the members mutilated. This sort of inhumanity, practiced on a body deprived of feeling and of life, can scarcely be attributed to any one but to the Savage allies of the English. [Page 235]

After these devout Christians had washed and kissed many times the honored remains of their father, they buried him in the very place where, the night before, he had celebrated the holy Sacrifice of the Mass, — that is, in the place where the altar had stood before the burning of the Church.[32]

By such a precious death did the apostolic man finish, on the 23rd of August in this year, a course of thirty-seven years spent in the arduous labors of this Mission. He was in the sixty-seventh year of his life. His fastings and his continual hard work had, at the last, weakened his constitution; he had walked with some difficulty for about nineteen years, owing to the effects of a fall by which he broke, at the same time, the right hip and the left leg. Then it happened, since the callus was growing wrong at the place of fracture, that it became necessary to break the left leg again. At the time when it was most violently struck, he bore that painful operation with an extraordinary firmness and an admirable tranquillity. Our Physician,[33] who was present, appeared so astonished at this that he could not refrain from saying: Ah! my Father, let at Least a few groans escape; you have so much cause for them!

Father Rasles joined to the talents which make an excellent Missionary, the virtues which the evangelical Ministry demands in order that it be exercised to any profit among our Savages. He had robust health; and I do not know that, excepting the accident of which I have just spoken, he had ever had the least indisposition. We were surprised at his facility and his perseverance in learning the different Savage tongues; there was not one upon this continent of which he had not some smattering. Besides [Page 237] the Abnakis language which he had spoken longest, he also knew the Huron, the Outaouais, and the Illinois; and he had used them to advantage in the different Missions where they were spoken. From the time of his arrival in Canada his character had ever been consistent; he was always firm and resolute, severe with himself, but tender and compassionate toward others.

Three years ago, by order of Monsieur our Governor, I made a tour of Acadia. In conversing with Father Rasles, I represented to him that in case war should be declared against the Savages, he would run a risk of his life; that, as his Village was only fifteen leagues from the English forts, he would be exposed to their first forays; that his preservation was necessary to his flock; and that he must take measures for the safety of his life. My measures are taken, he replied in a firm voice: God has confided to me this flock, and I shall follow its fate, only too happy to be sacrificed for it. He often repeated the same thing to his Neophytes, that he might strengthen their constancy in the Faith. We have realized But too well, they themselves said to me, that that dear Father spoke to us out of the abundance of his heart; we saw him face death with a tranquil and serene countenance, and expose himself unassisted to the fury of the enemy, — hindering their first attempts, so that we might have time to escape from the danger and preserve our lives.

As a price had been set on his head, and various attempts had been made to abduct him, the Savages last spring proposed to take him farther into the interior, toward Quebec, where he would be secure from the dangers with which his life was menaced. [Page 139] What idea, then, have you of me? he replied with an air of indignation, do you take me for a base deserter? Alas! what would become of your Faith if I should abandon you? Your salvation is dearer to me than my life.

He was indefatigable in the exercises of his devotion; unceasingly occupied in exhorting the Savages to virtue, his only thought was to make them fervent Christians. His impassioned and pathetic manner of preaching made a deep impression upon their hearts. Some Loup families, who have very recently come from Orange, told me with tears in their eyes that they were indebted to him for their conversion to Christianity; and that the instructions which he had given them when they received Baptism from him, about 30 years ago, could not be effaced from their minds, — his words were so efficacious, and left so deep traces in the hearts of those who heard him.

He was not content with instructing the Savages almost every day in the Church; he often visited them in their cabins. His familiar conversations charmed them; he knew how to blend with them a holy cheerfulness which is much more pleasing to the Savages than a serious and melancholy manner. He had also the art of winning them to do whatever he wished; he was among them like a master in the midst of his pupils.

Notwithstanding the continual occupations of his ministry, he never omitted the sacred exercises which are observed in our houses. He rose and made his Prayer at the prescribed hour. He never neglected the eight days of annual retreat; he enjoined upon himself to make it in the first days of Lent, which is the time when the Savior entered [Page 241] the desert. If a person do not fix a time in the year for these sacred exercises, said he to me one day, occupations succeed each other, and, after many delays, he runs the risk of not finding leisure to perform them.

Religious poverty appeared in his whole person, in his furniture, in his living, in his garments. In a spirit of mortification he forbade himself the use of wine, even when he was among Frenchmen; his ordinary food was porridge made of Indian corn- meal. During certain winters in which sometimes the Savages lacked everything, he was reduced to living on acorns; far from complaining at that time, he never seemed more content. For the last three years of his life, the war having prevented the Savages from free scope in hunting and from sowing their lands, their want became extreme; and the Missionary was in frightful need. Care was taken to send him from Quebec the necessary provisions for his subsistence. I am ashamed, he wrote to me, of the care that you take of me; a Missionary born to suffer ought not to be so well treated.

He did not permit any one to lend him a helping hand in his most ordinary needs; he always waited upon himself. He cultivated his own garden, he made ready his own firewood, his cabin, and his sagamité; he mended his torn garments, seeking in a spirit of poverty to make them last as long a time as was possible. The cassock which he had on when he was killed seemed so worn out and in such poor condition to those who had seized it, that they did not deign to take it for their own use as they had at first designed. They threw it again upon his body, and it was sent to us at Quebec.

In the same degree that he treated himself [Page 243] Harshly, was he compassionate and charitable toward others. He had nothing of his own, and all that he received he immediately distributed to his poor Neophytes — Consequently, the greater part of them showed at his death signs of deeper grief than if they had lost their nearest relatives.

He took extraordinary pains in decorating and beautifying his Church, believing that this outward Pomp which strikes the senses quickens the devotion of the barbarians, and inspires them with a most profound veneration for our holy Mysteries. As he knew a little of painting, and as he was quite skillful in the me of the lathe, the Church was decorated with many works which he himself had wrought.

You may well believe, my Reverend Father, that his virtues, of which new France has been for so many years witness, had won for him the respect and affection of Frenchmen and Savages.

He is, in consequence, universally regretted. No one doubts that he was sacrificed through hatred to his ministry and to his zeal in establishing the true . Faith in the hearts of the Savages. This is the opinion of Monsieur de Bellemont, Superior of the Seminary of saint Sulpice at Montreal.[34] When I asked from him the customary suffrages for the deceased, because of our interchange of prayers, he replied to me, using the well-known words of saint Augustine, that it was doing injustice to a Martyr to pray for him, — Injuriam facit Martyri qui orat pro eo.

May it please the Lord that his blood, shed for such a righteous cause, may fertilize these unbelieving lands which have been so often watered with the blood of the Gospel workers who have preceded us; that it may render them fruitful in devout Christians, [Page 245] and that the zeal of Apostolic men yet to come may be stimulated to gather the abundant harvest that is being presented to them by so many peoples still buried in the shadow of death!

In the meantime, as it belongs only to the Church to declare the saints, I commend him to your holy Sacrifices and to those of all our Fathers. I hope that you will not forget in them him who is, with much respect, etc. [Page 247]

- Taken from Volume 67 of the Jesuit Relations

The Tarring and Feathering of Fr. John Bapst

Fr. Bapst changed his residence from Ellsworth to Bangor on June 7, 1854. This change was ordered by the bishop of Boston, who still retained Maine within his spiritual jurisdiction. The bishop was forced to place Fr. Bapst in permanent charge of Bangor by a chain of circumstances which left him no choice in the matter, but in view of after events it is only just to say that the bishop would never have allowed Bangor, the most important mission of Maine, to pass out of the control of his secular clergy, had not a terrible crisis in Catholic affairs at Ellsworth precluded the adoption of any other course. When he first committed Bangor to the charge of the Jesuits, he had intended to burden them with its care only for a short time, until he could choose a competent secular priest as successor to Fr. O’Sullivan. The events that led to Fr. Bapst’s hasty removal to Bangor are of an exciting nature, and are best learned from his own narration, made to the compiler of this sketch many years ago, from the reminiscences of his faithful housekeeper, and from letters written to the provincial at about this period.

Fr. Bapst’s Narrative

When I first came to Ellsworth I began a course of Sunday afternoon lectures on the doctrines of the Church. These instructions drew to the afternoon service on Sundays a large concourse of Protestants, curious to know what could be said in defence of a religious system which in their opinion had long before been thoroughly exploded. The results of my labors were most gratifying. Before many months had elapsed I had gathered into the fold a goodly number of Protestants, and among them twelve young ladies, all members of prominent families of the town.[1] Religious feeling ran high in consequence. I was denounced, from the pulpit and in the press, as a perverter of the young. I was warned to stop my work of proselyting, and of reducing free-born Americans to Rome’s galling yoke. All manner of threats were uttered against me.

To add fuel to the already fiercely burning here of religious hatred, Catholics whose children attended the public schools of the town protested against the law recently passed by the school committee of Ellsworth, whereby their sons and daughters were forced under pain of expulsion to read in the school the Protestant version of the Bible and to join in the Protestant prayers. They petitioned the -committee to permit the Catholic children to read the Catholic version, or else to excuse them from reading any. In their petition they expressly declared that they had no desire to interfere with the right of Protestant children to read any version deemed proper by their parents, but simply wished to protect the religious faith of their own children. I knew that the board as a whole had an intense hatred of all that was Catholic and foreign, but I found some of the committee, as well as the teachers, willing to accede to my request that the children be not forced to act against the dictates of their consciences by reading a Protestant version of the Bible and by uniting in prayers not approved by the Church. I was the more anxious to ward off these dangers, as I knew on good authority that one of the members of the school board had said openly: “We are determined to protestantize the Catholic children; they shall read the Protestant Bible or be dismissed from the schools; and should we find them loafing around the wharves we will clap them into jail.”

I could not, therefore, in conscience permit my Catholic children to join in the Protestant religious exercises, as such a course would be a virtual profession of Protestantism, seeing that the regulation was insisted upon in hatred of the true faith. I did not wish to excite our enemies unnecessarily, and did all I could to lower the high pitch to which the public mind had been excited. I held in check the overwrought feelings of my flock, and abstained from all bitterness in pushing the righteous claims of my people. But in vain! The protest, signed by over a hundred Catholics, which was presented to the consideration of the school board one morning in November, 1853, by Mr. White and myself, was rejected with insult and abuse. Next day Messrs. Tisdale and Richards, two members of the board, went to the school where most of the Catholic children attended, and forthwith expelled all who refused to read the Protestant Bible. I was therefore obliged to provide means of instruction for these dear little confessors of Christ. I opened a Catholic school in our old chapel, but in thus baffling the plan of our adversaries, who were intent upon obtaining an unconditional surrender on the part of the Catholics, I was much pained to find that I only increased their blind fury against us. The chapel was blown up one night, and we were obliged to transfer the school to the galleries of the new church. To try whether the law would provide a remedy by declaring the cause of the school board unconstitutional, a test case was made in behalf of the son of Lawrence Donahoe, and a suit commenced against the committee, but to no purpose. Bigotry won the day. An incident that happened shortly before the dismissal of the children from the school added fuel to the flames. I was drawn, much against my will, into a controversy with one of the Protestant ministers of the town, and defeated him so completely as to put the Protestants present to the blush for their poor champion. It came about as follows.

One morning business called me to the office of one of the town lawyers, and while I was engaged with him, who should come in but the other powers of the town, the leading minister and the most popular doctor of the place. After I had politely saluted them both, I overheard the lawyer whisper to the minister: “Now you have got the papist priest at your mercy ; give it to him !” I saw from the confident smile of the lawyer and doctor that they anticipated an easy victory for their clerical champion. He, no wise unwilling, entered the fray without gloves, and abruptly put forth this astonishing statement:

“You Catholics despise the Bible. You have no faith in the written Word of God. How can you call yourselves Christians?”

To this exceedingly ill-timed remark I would have gladly avoided giving an answer, but as I considered that silence would be taken for assent, I quietly and gently proceeded to pursue a line of argument whereby the minister would be put to rout by his own admission.

“Well,” said I, “supposing, Reverend Sir, that your statement be correct, that we set no value on the Bible, granting this to be true for the sake of argument, may I ask you, with all due respect, do you set any value on oral tradition?”

“No, of course not.” replied the minister with a deep frown, “that is a popish doctrine.”

“Well then,” I said, “may I ask you why you value the Bible so highly? How do you know it is the Word of God?”

“Why,” he replied, “it bears the divine imprint on its every page.” “Those who have read the Koran and the works of Confucius,” I said, “have found them very like in style to the Bible, yet these are certainly not the Word of God.”

“Well,” replied the now greatly excited minister, “our forefathers have always revered the Bible as the Word of God, and have so taught their descendants.”

“But how were your forefathers able with certainty to hold the Bible as from God?”

“Why, my dear sir, how simple you are! They had the testimony of their ancestors to that effect, and these ancestors had the testimony of theirs, and so on up to the time of Christ.”

“Well, Reverend Sir, excuse me if I ask one more question. What do you call that oral testimony I am sure you are too honest, to deny that this is oral tradition under another name, and therefore your Bible has no intrinsic value without the aid of tradition."

The expression of the minister’s face was terrible to behold. It was one of baffled hatred and shame. He did not venture a reply, but turned from me abruptly, and sought the fellowship of the two spectators who had been in full sympathy with him from the opening of the tilt. When I was leaving the office I overheard the lawyer mutter the following words expressive of his deep chagrin : “Well, I could have stood our parson’s being overcome by an enlightened American, but to have had him completely routed by one of these Romish foreigners—a man who can’t speak two words of English correctly—it’s a crying shame!”

The fanatical fury of the Know-nothing party increased with time, and at length reached such a pitch that, after destroying the old church, they broke the windows of my dwelling. This happened on the evening of June 3, 1854. From the early part of the preceding November the agitation was kept alive by the Ellsworth Herald in its daily attacks on the Catholics, and on Sundays by the tirades of the minister.

On June 6, the mob broke the windows of our church, and then went to the nearest tavern to muster up courage for further outrages, threatening all the while to inflict all manner of injury upon the Catholics. At this stage of the excitement I was directed by Bishop Fitzpatrick of Boston to take up my permanent abode at Bangor, which I had previously cared for as its temporary pastor, pending the appointment of a secular priest as successor to Fr. O’Sullivan. I was ordered by the bishop not to return to Ellsworth even for the Sunday services, but to send another father who was not connected with the school trouble. Thus good came out of evil. By this disposition of affairs I secured for the missions the long-desired centre in Bangor, which would never have been my good fortune had it not been for the trouble at Ellsworth.

On the morning of July 16, word came to Bangor that the untiring mob of Ellsworth had attempted to burn down the chapel at one o’clock that morning. The fire was luckily discovered in time by Amory Otis, one of the rightminded citizens of Ellsworth, and put out before any damage was done except to the cellar.

Housekeeper’s Account

Before entering Fr. Bapst’s service I had been housekeeper for Fr. O’Sullivan, parish priest of Bangor. Fr. Bapst used to stop over with us from time to time on his way to his various missions. I first met him shortly after his arrival from Europe, when he could as yet speak but a very few words of English. Sometimes, while at Fr. O’Sullivan’s, he would be called upon to administer the pledge, and I would make him understand what was wanted by raising an imaginary glass to my lips and then pointing at the poor drunkard.

One day an amusing incident occurred. Fr. Bapst, as yet ignorant of English, was sitting in the library conversing with Fr. O’Sullivan in French, when the niece of the parish priest entered, and exhibited a costly bottle of cologne which she had just received as a present. She held it out to Fr. Bapst that he might admire it, but he mistaking her intention and thinking she wished to make him a present for the Indians, took the bottle and slipped it into his coat pocket, exclaiming again and again with a most winning smile : “Merci, mademoiselle, merci.” The poor girl was deeply grieved at her loss, but gave up all attempts to recover her treasure, knowing, full well that any hint, whereby she might seek to enlighten Fr. Bapst on the true situation of affairs, would be entirely lost upon him, owing to his ignorance of English.

When Fr. Bapst went to live permanently at Ellsworth in January, 1853, he was very desirous of securing my services as housekeeper. He was so kind as to think me prudent enough and of sufficiently mature age to make him a good housekeeper. On my part, I had learned to admire his sanctity, gentleness, and burning zeal so much that I would have gone through fire and water for him. An agreement, therefore, was easily reached, whereby I left Bangor to take charge of the house in Ellsworth, procured for Fr. Bapst by the Catholics of that town shortly before my arrival. Fr. Bapst was generally at home in Ellsworth from Saturday till Monday of each week, but during the other days of the week he was frequently absent attending to the other missions lying around Ellsworth.

From November, 1853, till the October of the following year, great feelings of hatred towards the Catholics and their priest were aroused among the Protestants ; and the rowdy element of the town with many who styled themselves respectable began hostile proceedings against Fr. Bapst. The excitement had its origin in the father’s success as a missioner and in his position with respect to the school question. The agitation reached such an alarming pitch by June, 1854, that I feared for Fr, Bapst’s life.

On Saturday June 3, I had been able to unearth a secret plot whereby the Know Nothings hoped to seize Fr. Bapst, and wreak their vengeance upon him. The dear father had just returned from his missions, and a sick-call from a distant station awaited him. He was inclined to defer attendance on this case until after Sunday, being averse to leaving the Catholics of Ellsworth without Mass on that day. With a boldness that afterwards surprised me, and moved by a presentiment of evil that seemed inspired from above (for I did not then know that an immediate attack was meditated by his enemies), I bade the dear father not delay bringing the consolations of religion to the poor sick man. “Go, Father, in the name of God!’’ I pleaded. My entreaties prevailed, and he started on the sick-call that very day.

That night, Saturday June 3, 1853, a mob surrounded the priest’s house. They were dressed entirely in white with a dark belt encircling their waists. Their faces were securely masked. They thundered at the door, and demanded instant admission. I was alone in the house, and though greatly alarmed I retained my presence of mind. Some good Catholics had brought me news of their approach and I bethought myself of the necessity of saving such goods as would be most likely to suffer at the hands of the invaders. Among these Fr. Bapst’s books were the chief objects of my care. I knew the villains would destroy those first. I therefore conveyed the contents of his library to the top story of the house.

Hardly had I finished my labors when 1 heard the mob at the front door demanding admission. I answered the call with fear and trembling and a silent prayer to God for help. “What do you want, gentlemen ?’’ I said to the crowd that was crammed into the space around the door, intent on rushing into the house. “Where’s that Bapst ?’’ they shouted in chorus. Their sacrilegious way of naming the man of God aroused all my spirit, and though never given to profanity I forgot myself in my just indignation, and answered, “It’s none of your business.” This bold reply startled them at first and made them cower. Then, in more guarded language, they expressed their determination of searching the house for the priest. Not wishing to give them unnecessary offence, I assumed a tone of great mildness, though my heart was bursting with indignation at the insolence of the crowd, and I tried to dissuade them from entering, saying : “Gentlemen, Fr. Bapst left here this morning to go on a sick-call, and it is doubtful when he will return. I, a lone unprotected woman, am the only occupant of the house. Will you be so cowardly as to enter this house when you have no one to resist you but a poor, weak woman?” My words seemed to stir up their better natures; they gave over making any further efforts to effect an entrance, but they vented their hatred against the priest by riddling with stones nearly every window in the house.

The next day being their Sabbath , they remained quiet, not wishing to desecrate the day. On Tuesday, June 6, Fr. Bapst returned after dark to Ellsworth, and so quietly that his coming was not known to his foes, for he had received news on the road of the attack on his house. That night the mob reassembled in the town, and, with the fury of demons, rushed towards our church and made a fierce assault upon its doors. Col. Charles Jarvis, one of nature’s noblemen, who though a Protestant was a great admirer of Fr. Bapst, hastened on horseback to the rescue of the church. He dashed into the midst of the crowd, shouting to the foremost aggressors to desist from their work of destruction. Then quickly leaping from his horse he mounted the church steps, and thus addressed the rioters ; “Till to-day I was ever proud of being called a freeborn American. I gloried in the liberty accorded to all by our country ; but to-day, for the first time, the thought of having to claim a common country with fellows that can be guilty of such a gross invasion of the most sacred rights of others brings a blush to my cheek. Think of it, men, the poor Irish, who get but a dollar a day in wages, live from day to day on potatoes alone, and this that they may have money to spare wherewith to erect a temple in which they may worship God according to the dilates of their consciences. And you, who call yourselves free Americans, would destroy the fruits of their hard labors in a night! Shame upon you!’’

His forcible remonstrance had some temporary effect, the attack on the church was not immediately renewed, but the rioters continued to hang around the church until the colonel had departed, when they gave full fling to their hatred against us by breaking all the windows. The colonel, who had reached one of the bridges that span the Union River, on hearing that the work of destruction had recommenced, came riding back at a furious pace, but too late to save the windows. When he reached the spot the crowd was dispersing. Fr. Bapst was persuaded by me to vacate his ordinary bed-room, and seek a safer one in the upper part of the house. No attempt, however, was made that night to attack the house, as the Know-nothings did not dream that he had returned.

The next morning Fr. Bapst received a telegram from Woodstock, Maine, about 180 miles west of Ellsworth, near the New Hampshire border, asking his spiritual assistance for a person sick at that place. He started for Woodstock early on Wednesday morning, and on his return, instead of going to Ellsworth, went direct to Bangor. This he did by order of the bishop, who wished him to take up his permanent quarters at that town for the future, and never to return to Ellsworth. I soon followed him to Bangor, and there continued in my office of housekeeper until 1859.

In October, 1854, Fr. Bapst was obliged to visit Cherryfield, 24 miles beyond Ellsworth, to attend a sick-call. To do this he had to pass through Ellsworth. He therefore determined to stop over Sunday in that town, in order to hear the confessions of the Catholics there and say Mass for them. He arrived in Ellsworth on Saturday night, full of hopes that no attempt would be made to molest him, as he thought that the old agitation had died out. That night he was taken out by a mob, and tarred and feathered. He said Mass, however, on Sunday morning in Ellsworth, remained with Col. Jarvis Sunday night, and returned to Bangor on Monday morning.

I was nearly dead with anxiety, for news of the outrage had reached Bangor Sunday morning. I was for setting out myself to seek the dear father, and bring him home in safety, when his arrival in Bangor made such a course unnecessary. I had everything ready to render him comfortable after his sad experience. A hot bath was placed in his room with plenty of new rum to apply after the bath. Fr. Bapst immediately availed himself of these remedies against a reaction, and after some time emerged from his bed-room as fresh as before the assault, and as eager as ever for work in the Lord’s vineyard. Portions of Fr. Bapst’s clothing that he had worn on that terrible night, and that were covered with tar and feathers, were brought to me from Ellsworth together with the broken crystal of his watch. These I have treasured as most precious relics through all these long years.[2]

On Dec. 8, 1854, Bishop Fitzpatrick, assisted by the recently appointed bishop of the new diocese of Portland, Rt. Rev, David Bacon, laid the corner-stone of Fr. Bapst’s new church in Bangor. By direction of Bishop Fitzpatrick, I deposited in a bottle a small portion of the clothing worn by Fr. Bapst at the time of the outrage. It was spattered with tar to which some of the feathers were still clinging. The bishop wrote the following inscription which was also placed in the bottle before it was sealed : “This is a piece of the clothing worn by the builder of this church, Rev. John Bapst, S. J., on the night of October 13, 1854, when he was tarred and feathered, in hatred of the faith, by the Know Nothings of Ellsworth.” The bottle was placed beneath the corner-stone by the bishop himself.

In the autumn of 1859, the Jesuits were withdrawn from Maine by their superior; and when, in 1860, Fr. Bapst was appointed superior of the scholasticate at Boston, he urged me to come to that city and take charge of the college laundry. I gladly availed myself of an opportunity that allowed me to see the saintly father from time to time. I retained this position until 1869, when, through Fr. Bapst’s influence, I gained the accomplishment of my life’s desire —admission into the Order of the Good Shepherd in New York. It was my great happiness to have Fr. Bapst preside at my religious profession.

In the fall of 1883, Fr. Bapst, whose mind was then greatly weakened, passed through New York on his way from West Park to Frederick. Rev. Fr. Brady, then Provincial, knowing how happy I would be to see Fr. Bapst, caused the dear father to be conducted from St. Francis Xavier’s College to the residence of St. Lawrence’s Church, and sent me word at the same time to the latter house if I wished to see my old pastor. The Brother Porter told me it would be useless to call Fr. Bapst to the parlor, for he would not recognize me, as he did not remember his own name, nor those of his own brethren. But I assured the brother that he would certainly remember his old housekeeper. One of the fathers soon brought him to the corridor in which I was waiting, and when the saintly old man saw me his face was lit up with a smile, and to the astonishment of all around he cried out: “Ah! there’s my Mary.’’ That was the last time I saw Fr. Bapst. If any one deserved heaven, he certainly did, for his life at home and abroad was that of a true man of God. Extracts from Letters of Fr. Bapst to the Provincial of the Maryland Province, touching the origin of the excitement in Ellsworth.

Ellsworth, October, 1853. .... I have to inform Your Reverence of another difficulty. A town school-teacher, out of bigotry, being the son of a parson, has established in his school, that all the scholars should read the Protestant version of the Bible or leave the school; he prevailed, to a certain extent, on the school committee to have such a rule approved, and immediately dismissed the two Catholic children he had in his school because they would not read this version. The case has already created some excitement among Catholics and Protestants. Next Sunday a petition will be presented to the committee requesting that the Catholic children should be free to read their own Bible, or no Bible at all, in the schools. I cannot foresee the result; all the Catholics seem to be determined not to have their rights trampled upon, and will sign the petition. I have visited the committee, and succeeded in convincing them of our right, but they are afraid of becoming too unpopular by doing their duty. Poor committee! I shall inform you of the result, and in the meantime recommend myself to the prayers and holy sacrifices of Your Reverence.

Ellsworth, November 16, 1853. .... With reference to the school and Bible question, which has created so much excitement, I have to state that the position of the Catholics is every day getting better and brighter. Our rights begin to be acknowledged. The committee-men are already somewhat ashamed of themselves; public opinion and the press are turning against them; the best men here say that they have exceeded their powers, and violated the Constitution by compelling our children to read the Protestant Bible, or by turning them out of school in case of non-compliance. But the Catholics seem determined to go ahead, and although it is very probable that our children will be readmitted into the school for the next term without being obliged to read any Bible, still the Catholics seem to prefer to establish their own school, which will be a great blessing for themselves and a bitter mortification and a great disappointment for the bigots, who thought already that our children were going to turn Protestants en mass sooner than leave the town school. Yours in Xt. very respectfully, John Bapst, S. J.

After events show that the view of the situation in Ellsworth as expressed by Fr. Bapst in these extracts was too sanguine by far. He did not then know what the coming year had in store for him.

FR. JOHN BAPST.

A SKETCH.

( Continued.)

After the blowing up of the school-house, in the spring of 1854, the Protestants feared reprisals would be taken by the Catholics. The better disposed Protestants, hoping to avert a general uprising of the persecuted Catholics, determined to call a public meeting to denounce the outrage. The issue of this well-meant but unsuccessful project is thus related by a Protestant citizen of Ellsworth, a great admirer of Fr. Bapst: — “It was thought well to call a meeting for the purpose of denouncing the outrage, and assuring our Catholic fellow townspeople that the burning of their school was the act of ignorant bigots, and that all respectable Protestants held such conduct in abhorrence. Half a dozen of us went to see Mr. Whittaker, who was then chairman of the Town Selectmen, to have the meeting called. Mr. Whittaker, being a Democrat, was with us. The meeting was called for the 8th of July, 1854. When we went to the place, we found that the Know-nothing element had gathered in large force and taken possession. It was our intention to have Mr. Whittaker preside, but we saw we were outnumbered four to one, and, knowing we could effect nothing, we left. Besides, if we had remained, it might be claimed that we, by our presence, countenanced whatever action might be taken. The meeting was organized by the election of George W. Brown as chairman. Speeches, prompted and dictated by a spirit of persecution, were made and cheered to the echo. The meeting then passed resolutions of which I have just received a certified copy, taken from the town records by Mr. Edward E. Brady, the present town clerk.

“Extract front the Ellsworth Town-Records Touching the Case of John Bapst , S. J. July 8th, 1854.

“Moved by George W. Madox : —That if John Bapst, S. J. be found again on Ellsworth soil we will provide for him, and try on an entire suit of new clothes such as cannot be found at the shops of any taylor (sic), and that when thus appareled he be presented with a free ticket to leave Ellsworth upon the first railroad operation that may go into effect.

“Voted, that the resolutions adopted at this meeting be published in the Ellsworth Herald and Eastern Freeman. “Voted, that we now adjourn sine die. W. A. Chany, Town Clerk.

“The reading of the resolutions was received with shouts of applause, and they were adopted without a dissenting voice or vote, as the Democrats and Liberal Republicans had all left when they saw how things were likely to go.”

The outcome of these hostile proceedings is thus described by the same writer : “Fr. Bapst, not believing that they would put their threat into execution, went to Ellsworth on Saturday evening, October 14, 1854, to be on hand to attend to his religious duties next morning. He stopped at the house of an Irish Catholic named Kent. When darkness had set in, the house was surrounded by a mob, who demanded the production of the objectionable priest. A trap-door in Mr. Kent’s house led down to the cellar, and Mr. Kent, after much urging, induced Fr. Bapst to descend, and hide in the cellar, expecting the mob would go away when they could not find him. Mr. Kent opened the door, and told them that Father Bapst was not there. ‘We know he is, and we must have him,’ yelled the mob. Mr. Kent invited them to look all over the house, but they persisted in the statement that he was secreted in the house, as some of them had seen him enter. Mr. Kent tried to persuade them to go away. If you don’t produce him we will burn down your house, and roast him alive,’ the mob howled.

“They were proceeding to carry out the threat to burn down the house, when Father Bapst, not wishing to see his protector suffer, pushed up the trap-door, and ascended from the cellar. He still hoped that the instincts of humanity would prevail in them over the spirit of bigotry; that they would be open to reason and justice, and would disperse to their homes. But he misjudged the spirit that controlled the mob. With a yell they rushed upon him, dragged him out of the house and up the road. They placed him upon a sharp rail, and thus carried him along, yelling, hooting, and cursing him. The men carrying the rail jogged him up and down, so as to inflict more pain and injury.

‘‘Coming to a lonely place outside of the town they took his watch and money and his clothes, stripping him naked. They then dragged him into a wood, as I afterwards learned, and tied him to a tree. They piled brush around him, and some of the ruffians tried to set it on fire. They would most likely have burned him to death had not their supply of matches given out before they could set fire to the brush.

“I was sitting in my house during all this time, unaware of all that was going on. A rap came to the door ; I opened it, and a neighbor told me that a mob had seized Father Bapst, and carried him off into the woods. I could not believe it, but I started out, and on the hill outside the town met my brother and the sheriff coming in. They had gone out to look for the mob, and try to save the priest. They encountered the mob, who flung stones intending to break the lantern which the sheriff carried. The sheriff was a man of courage, and told the roughs that if they did not desist, he would empty the contents of his pistol among them. This had the desired effect; the crowd passed on, but the search-party were unable to find Father Bapst among them. This, I suppose, was only part of the mob, the other part having the unfortunate man in the woods at the time. We ascended the hill, and searched for his body, believing they had killed him.

“It appears that after they released him from the tree, where, covered with tar and feathers, they had attempted to roast him alive, they dragged him back to the town, and told him to get out that night, threatening to kill him if he attempted to say Mass next day. When we got back I learned that Fr. Bapst was at Mr. Kent’s residence. I went there and asked to see him; I was at first denied admittance, but was afterwards permitted to enter the room in which he was. There stood Father Bapst covered with tar and feathers, and exhausted by his inhuman treatment. He was surrounded by a few male friends, who were endeavoring to cleanse him with soap and warm water. He extended his hand to me. It was a trying moment. The priest said that fortunately he had escaped a more terrible fate, which his abductors had in store for him, through the pleadings of two or three of the marauders. As I stood there, and saw the poor priest’s hair and eyebrows shaved off, for it was impossible to get the tar out otherwise, I vowed that I should fight fanaticism until I died.

“Father Bapst preached next day in his church, for although of a very mild disposition, he had the heart of a lion in the cause of duty. That Sunday we feared the mob would gather again. The Hon. Charles Jarvis, one of the leading Protestants of the town, took the father to his home, protected him all night, and drove him to Bangor in his carriage next day. I saw him get into the carriage, and shook hands with him when he was driven away.

“The respectable people of Bangor were as much incensed at the outrage as we were at Ellsworth. We resolved to punish the ruffians, and got Hon. George Evans, then Attorney General of the State, previously U. S. Senator, to come to Ellsworth to present the case to the Grand Jury. The Grand Jury, however, were all Know Nothings, and refused to find indictments, although the evidence was most conclusive. Mr. Evans was so indignant and disgusted with the Grand Jury that he said that he would not sleep a night in the town if he got a present of all the State. Late as it was he insisted on shaking the dust of Ellsworth from his feet.

“These facts I know to be accurately stated, as I was a resident of Ellsworth at the time of the outrage, and had been for thirty-six years. It was my birth-place, and I knew all the facts, and who were the perpetrators of that atrocious act. And it is with shame lam forced to say that, instead of ‘Orangemen from New Brunswick,’ as a recent writer has asserted, they were our own citizens; and l am sorry to say that many who claimed to be our best citizens were the ringleaders. I knew every man in town, and less than a dozen were Irish Protestants; and of these not one had anything to do with it. At that time, as it is now, Ellsworth was one of the most flourishing towns in eastern Maine, with a population of over 4000. The people were educated and refined, with two score of professional men —ministers, lawyers, and doctors. We were largely engaged in ship building, and not a single man in our employ was from the British provinces. I knew Father Bapst well; he was an educated and cultured Christian gentleman.”

Thus writes this Protestant friend of Fr. Bapst, who under the nom de plume of “Lumberman” furnished these reminiscences, in September 1884. to the Portland Argus. It has been thought by some, that Fr. Bapst might have averted the painful incidents enacted at Ellsworth, had he but exercised more foresight, and abled with more prudence, not preaching so boldly, and not venturing to visit Ellsworth after the issue of the town case against him. To such as these, the following testimony of the same Protestant gentleman will be sufficient answer: — “He was the most perfect gentleman I have ever met. He had a very fine, imposing presence, was thoroughly educated and refined, and a true Christian in every sense. He was in his views liberal, in his tolerations large. He was the last man you could think of who would provoke the outrage inflicted upon him. Were he narrow-minded, bigoted, ill-bred, and of a quarrelsome disposition, the excuse might be presented that he drew it upon himself. But he was directly the opposite, and possessed the esteem and respect of all the liberal-minded and respectable Protestants of the whole district in which he served.” Fr. Bapst’s subsequent career in Boston, where he was the friend of the poor no less than of the rich, no less beloved by Protestants than by Catholics, is of itself a sufficient eulogy of his admirable tad, born not of worldly policy, but of Christian prudence, vivified by charity divine.

After the perpetration of this outrage, Fr. Bapst never again ministered to the wants of the Ellsworth Catholics, his place being filled by other fathers dwelling with him at Bangor. Among those who visited Ellsworth every two weeks to say Mass, etc., was Fr. Eugene Vetromile who afterwards left the Society. On Fr. Bapst’s return to Bangor he was received by the people of that city, both Protestants and Catholics, with the greatest sympathy. Loud were the denunciations of the Ellsworth rowdies. Good came out of evil. Fr. Bapst’s influence with all classes in Bangor was from that time most powerful. Sympathy had begot admiration; admiration, love; and the sway of love brought to the faith many who had before been indifferent, or hostile to the Church. The Protestants of Bangor called a public meeting at which Fr. Bapst was invited to be present. The place of honor on the platform was assigned him. The meeting was attended by the most prominent Protestants of Bangor, who came in large numbers, and who greeted Fr. Bapst’s appearance on the stage with hearty and prolonged applause. Resolutions were read, denouncing the outrage, lauding Fr. Bapst’s admirable patience during the trial, his Christian forbearance after it, his courageous zeal in performing his sacred duties despite the dire warnings to leave the town, expressing the sympathy of the whole Protestant community, and declaring that his high integrity and untiring zeal were a source of blessings to the city of which he was so honored a resident.

In closing this expression of their sentiments, the framers of the resolutions begged leave to present a fitting testimonial of his acknowledged worth, and also, thereby, to make reparation for their State of Maine for the cowardly pilfering that had intensified the baseness of the unprovoked attack upon him. The chairman, amid deafening applause, then presented Fr. Bapst with a well filled purse and a very handsome gold watch, to replace the silver timepiece stolen from him by some of the Ellsworth mob. On the cover of the watch was engraved the following inscription : TO REV. JOHN BAPST, S. J. FROM THE CITIZENS OF BANGOR, MAINE, AS A TOKEN OF THEIR HIGH ESTEEM.

Fr. Bapst, greatly moved by this unexpected testimony of goodwill, found difficulty in making a suitable response. In feeling tones that greatly touched his hearers, moving some even to tears, the heroic father thanked them for their sympathy, and expressed his pleasure at having been made the recipient of such a beautiful testimony of their esteem. He said that he would ever prize it, not as a gift of which he had shown himself worthy —for he had only done what every true Christian should do in discharging his duty to his Divine Master —but as a token of the goodwill of those who fully appreciated the fact that he was in their midst to better the moral condition of that section of the great republic, not to turn with serpent-like treachery against the generous and warm-hearted nation that had sheltered a poor exile who had been refused a home in his native clime.

Very Rev. Father General Beckx, when informed of the gift bestowed upon Fr. Bapst, and of the circumstances that led to its bestowal, deemed it wise to waive the usual custom of the Society that forbids its members to bear about their persons costly gold watches, and ordered Fr. Bapst to retain the gift for his daily use. Fr. Bapst, who had been at first averse to such a disposition of the gift, submitted with true obedience to the will of his superior. He used the watch till about two years before his death, when it was consigned to the care of his superiors.

An amusing incident touching this noted timepiece is thus related by a devoted friend of Fr. Bapst.[3]: “In 1881 Fr. Bapst’s mental faculties began to fail. I expressed to his superiors my great desire to procure for the dear father a change of scene and air, hoping thus to avert the impending calamity. His superiors kindly consenting to my plan, I started with Fr. Bapst on a trip to Bangor, as he had expressed a longing to revisit the scene of his former labors. While there Fr. Bapst’s watch got out of order, and he gave it to me to take to a watch-maker’s. Going out into the city to fulfil my mission, I stopped at the first jewelry store I met, and handed the watch for inspection to the gentleman in attendance. He opened the cover, and then gave a start, glancing at me with eyes betokening suspicion of my honesty. Then he abruptly asked me, ‘Where did you get this watch, sir ?’ My first impulse was to take to flight. I felt thoroughly guilty. The jeweller had evidently read the inscription on the case, and had come to suspect my possession of the watch. I tried to explain, and the jeweller, apparently only half satisfied, related to me the cause of his interest in the timepiece. He had himself made the watch for the committee of the people of Bangor who had been appointed to make the presentation to Fr. Bapst. The repairs were soon effected, and I hastened back to the dear father to tell him of my adventure. He laughed heartily at the plight to which my service in his behalf had reduced me.”[4]

It is said by those who have a right to be believed that all those who had anything to do with the outrage upon Father Bapst either came to an untimely end or met with some temporal calamity. Certain it is that the town of Ellsworth suffered a long disgrace. “Two years after the outrage” writes a devoted friend of Fr. Bapst, “Henry Ward Beecher refused to lecture there, because he would not visit a place where such an outrage had been committed. Wendell Phillips also refused, though he was going to Bangor. But I persuaded Mr. Phillips to consent. I have no doubt it would now be more difficult to stir up a riot in Ellsworth than in almost any other city of Maine.”

---

[1] Of these twelve young ladies one was the authoress, Miss Mary Agnes Thicker, who was ever after a most devoted friend of Fr. Bapst. She has faithfully portrayed the Ellsworth excitement in a beautiful tale entitled “The House of Yorke”

[2] Mary Hennessy, now Sister Mary Borgia, extern sister of the House of the Good Shepherd, N. Y. One of those rare souls, full of faith and possessed of unflinching devotion to the Church. She was a great help to Fr. Bapst in those days of affliction. A portion of the shirt torn from Fr. Bapst’s body during the outrage, and the broken crystal, have been recently presented to the museum of Woodstock College by this good housekeeper.

[3]

[4]

This article taken from the Woodstock Letters, "Fr. John Bapst: A Sketch"

The Adventures of Fr. Biard

A formal post will eventually follow in which I recount this story in shorter form. However, as I was reading this, I couldn't help but get caught up in Fr. Biard's cunning maneuvers as a prisoner, the great dangers to which he was subject, the virtue which he showed under all adverse circumstances, and the great hand of Providence seen clearly through it all. For that reason, I am posting the original story as told in volume 4 of the Jesuit relations by Fr. Biard himself. I hope you enjoy this as much as I did.

To summarize the main points from where we left off, after the capture of the Ste. Sauveur mission, the Jesuits and the other settlers were taken prisoner by Captain Argal. Argal accused them of being pirates, but when they went to produce the royal title which gave them license to found this colony, none could be found. Originally Argal intended to set them all afloat on the one ship of theirs which (after the attack) remained intact. However, Fr. Biard protested that the ship was too small to hold thirty men and if they were set afloat on that, they would all surely perish.

Thus it was agreed that half the men would be free to return to Port Royal on the remaining ship and the other half would be taken on Argal's ships to the Peucoit Islands where they could beg a ride from English fisherman to the French settlement. The four Jesuits volunteered to go on the English ships, but Fr. Masse was chosen by the men to accompany them on their journey back to Port Royal, to attend to their spiritual needs. Thus Fr. Masse's company took the remaining ship to Port Royal and Fr. Biard and the remaining two Jesuits departed in Captain Argal's ship.

CHAPTER XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]

[259] THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA; AND THE RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.

GOD be praised. Here were now two-thirds of our company conducted back to France, safe and sound, among their friends and kindred, who listen to them as they relate the stories of their wonderful adventures. Consequently you will wish to know what became of the other third, who remained behind in the hands of the English. In truth, a longer and more varied fate awaits them, and all will not emerge therefrom unharmed.

The English had three vessels; namely, their own, with which they had captured us, of a hundred and thirty tons; ours, which they had seized, of a hundred tons; [260] and a barque of twelve tons, which they had likewise taken from us, and would not give back to be used for our return. They filled these three vessels with their people, and distributed us among them. Sieur de la Mote, Captain Flory, and half of the rest, making in all eight persons, were placed in the "Capitanesse," and the others, seven in number, remained in the captured ship, of which Lieutenant Turnel was made Captain.

Now as the beginning of their ill luck, the Jesuits were not taken to the Peucoit Islands, according to promise, but were taken straight to Virginia with the rest of the crowd, who were consoled with bright hopes, inasmuch as (said they) the Marshal of [page 31] Virginia{4} who has full power [261] and authority of jurisdiction, was a great friend of the French, as he had secured all his more important honors through the recommendation of the late Henry the Great, having been his soldier and pensioner. This was preached to us frequently.

But our preachers did not take their text from the Gospels. For this charming Marshal, who had the fibre and character of a Frenchman, as they said, when he heard an account of us, talked about nothing but ropes and gallows, and of having every one of us hanged. We were badly frightened, and some lost their peace of mind, expecting nothing less than to ignominiously walk up a ladder to be let down disgracefully by a rope. But Captain Argal showed great magnanimity in defending us: for he opposed the Marshal, urging the [262] promise given by him. And as he found himself too weak in this opposition, he published our commissions and Royal patents, of which I have spoken before, which he had surreptitiously removed from la Saussaye's trunks. And it was in this way we learned that he had made use of such a trick, for otherwise we should never have found it out. The Marshal, seeing these warrants of his most Christian Majesty, and the determination of the Captain, did not dare go any farther; so, after several days spent in great apprehension, we were informed that their promise would be kept.

Now how they were going to keep it, and what means would be found to send us back to France, was the great question. The General,{5} the Marshal, and all the other Important personages of Virginia assembled in Council. [263] The result and conclusion of their consultation was to act still worse [page 33] than ever, since it seemed to them they had the power to do so. For it was decreed that Captain Argal, with his three vessels, should return to new France, plunder and demolish all the fortifications and settlements of the French which he should find along the entire coast as far as Cape Breton: namely, to 46 and one half degrees north latitude, (for they lay claim to all this territory: that he was to have la Saussaye hanged, with all those of his men whom he found remaining within these limits; that he should likewise plunder the ships, which he encountered, finding means, however, to allow their people to return to France, in case they showed no resistance; and that we old prisoners should be placed in company [264] with those whose lives had thus been spared. Such was the decision. But God was on high, and, as you will hear, he decreed otherwise in regard to a number of things.

In accordance with this decision, Argal again started for new France, stronger than before, for he had three vessels, and higher expectations; because the booty he had taken from us strengthened both his cupidity and his hopes. However, he did not take with him the half of our people, I know not why. In his vessel were Captain Flory and four others; in that of Lieutenant Turnel, (which was the one captured from us) the two Jesuits and a boy.

They directed their course first to St. Sauveur, for they expected to find la Saussaye and a newly arrived [263 i.e., 265] ship there. They were mistaken, inasmuch as la Saussaye was in France, as has been said. They burned our fortifications and tore down our Crosses, raising another to show they had taken possession of the country, and were the Masters thereof. [page 35]

This Cross had carved upon it the name of the King of great Britain. Also, on account of a conspiracy, they hanged one of their men in the very place where, eight days before, they had torn down the first of our Crosses.

From saint Sauveur they sailed for Ste. Croix, sieur de Monts's old settlement; and, as they knew that Father Biard had been there, Argal wished him to conduct them thither; but the Father would not consent to do so. This caused him to be in complete disgrace with [264 i.e., 266] Argal, and in great danger of his life. Notwithstanding this, Argal wandered about, up and down, and, by dint of searching all places thoroughly and, comparing them with the maps which he had taken from us, he at last found the place himself. He took away a good pile of salt, which he found there, burned the settlement, and destroyed all traces of the name and claims of France, as he had been commanded to do.

[page 37]

CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]

THE TAKING AND BURNING OF PORT ROYAL; FATHER BIARD TWICE IN GREAT DANGER.

CAPTAIN Argal, having destroyed sainte Croix, did not know in what direction to sail to reach Port Royal, according to his commission, and hesitated all the more as he [265 i.e., 267] was afraid of being stranded upon such a dangerous coast without a guide who was very familiar with the locality; and, judging from the recent example of Father Biard, he did not dare expect that any Frenchman would consent to guide him, or give him sincere advice in the matter. For this reason, he began to look for a Savage, and by dint of much running about, lying in ambush, inquiring, and skillful maneuvering, he caught the Sagamore, a very experienced man, and well acquainted with the country; under his guidance, he reached Port Royal. Now there was certainly bad luck for the French, as the English entered the Port by Moonlight, and dropped anchor in sight of the settlement, at a distance of more than two leagues; so, if the French had been on their guard, they would have had an excellent opportunity to prepare for a fight, or to run away, for on [266 i.e., 268] account of the tide, the English were not in front of the settlement until ten or eleven o'clock the next day. I do not know what they were doing. At all events, when the English landed, they found no one in the fort, and saw shoes [page 39] and clothing all scattered about; so they were doubly pleased by this capture, first, because contrary to all their expectations, they met no resistance; and second, because they found a fair supply of booty, which they were not anticipating.

This unlooked-for capture of booty nearly cost Father Biard his life, in this way. As the English had already lost a great deal of time looking for sainte Croix, and afterward in finding a Savage who might act as their guide, Lieutenant Turnel was of the opinion that it would be better to abandon the voyage to Port Royal, and return as soon as possible to Virginia; giving as his reasons that the place [267 i.e., 269] was very dangerous and the season too far advanced (for it was the end of October); that, after so much trouble, there would be no profit in the end, because they would find nothing there but misery and French hatred, which they would very deservedly draw down upon them by the conflagration they were going to kindle there, without being requited for it by any reward. Lieutenant Turnel had heard these arguments from Father Biard, with whom he often took pleasure in conversing, and considered them very good. Now when Captain Argal had such an easy entry, and afterwards at the settlement of Port Royal (as we have said) found such a quantity of booty in food, clothes and utensils, he reproached his Lieutenant for his advice, and for his confidence in the Jesuits: and on that account gave him a smaller part of the plunder. [268 i.e., 270] The Lieutenant was very angry, and so much the more so, as he had always had the reputation of being a man of intelligence and good judgment, which he had now forfeited, as he thought, on account of the Jesuit. [page 41]

Now there was an English Puritan, master of the larger vessel, more malicious than all the others, yet hypocritical, for he made the finest pretensions in the world: but the other Englishmen advised us not to trust him, as he was wickedly prejudiced against us. So this man, seeing his opportunity, persuaded the Captain and Lieutenant, who he saw were aroused, to leave the Jesuit on shore, saying he did not deserve that the English should give him food since he had tried to prevent them from obtaining it, [269 i.e., 271]and offering a thousand other arguments. I know not what rescued the Jesuit so opportunely from this danger, unless it were his simplicity. For just as if he had been highly favored, and had great influence with these English, he dropped upon his knees before the Captain, two different times and upon two different occasions, to move him to pity towards the French of Port Royal who were wandering about through the woods, and to persuade him to leave them some food, their boat, and other means of passing the Winter. And see now what different requests were being made to this Captain: for at the same time that Father Biard was thus petitioning him in behalf of the French, a Frenchman was shouting out from afar, with most scandalous insults and abuse, that he ought to be slain. Now Argal (who has a noble [2 70 i.e., 272] heart), seeing the so sincere affection of the Jesuit, and, on the other hand, the so brutal and infuriated inhumanity of this Frenchman, who remembered neither his own country, nor kindnesses, nor Religion, nor was crushed by God's afflicting rod, considered that it would always be a reproach and disgrace to him, if, without trial and hearing from both sides, he should cast off, on account of a sly and [page 43] cunning accusation, him to whom he had given his word. And so he rejected both the persuasions of the Englishman, and the rage of the Frenchman, looking upon the Jesuit all the more favorably as he saw that, however much he was attacked, there was no change or deterioration in his conduct.

Now this Captain, having taken away from Port Royal everything that seemed convenient to him, even to the [271 i.e., 273] boards, bolts, locks, and nails, set the place on fire. A truly pitiable thing, for in an hour or two the work of several worthy people, during a number of years, was reduced to ashes. And may our Lord grant that this same fire has so completely destroyed all sins, which may have been committed in this place, that they may never again arise in any other place, nor ever provoke the just and dreadful vengeance of our God. The English (as I have stated elsewhere) destroyed, everywhere, all monuments and evidences of the dominion of the French; and this they did not forget to do here, even to making use of pick and chisel upon a large and massive stone, on which were cut the names of sieur de Monts and other Captains, with the fleurs-de-lys. This done, they weighed anchor to sail away, but [272 i.e., 274] bad weather detained them three or four days at the mouth of the Harbor.

While they remained anchored here, a Frenchman from among those at the Port asked to confer with them; his request was granted. Now among the nice things which this fine parliamentarian did, was to say to the English Captain that he was very much surprised indeed that he had not already rid the world of the pernicious Jesuit, who was in one of his ships. If he were not despatched, perhaps some ill luck might [page 45] keep him there to take revenge for the French upon the English by some wicked treason, which the Jesuit would be guilty of, in his way and at his opportunity. For he was (said he) a true and native Spaniard, who, having committed several crimes in France, on account of which he was a fugitive from justice, had also been the cause of a great deal [273 i.e., 275] of scandal at Port Royal, and there could not be the slightest doubt that he would do something still worse to the English. Argal, when he heard it said that Father ~Biard was a native Spaniard, could not believe it; but this charge, made in writing and signed by five or six persons, was handed to him: and they urged him strongly to put on shore and desert Father Biard. But the more they urged him, the less the Englishman would yield to them, because in giving his consent, he could not escape the dishonor of having broken faith and failed in doing justice; whereas, if he kept him until he got to Virginia, he could count upon having him executed there, at the same time receiving praise for his fidelity to his word, and for his patience in bearing with him. For when he would communicate to the Marshal this statement of the French, and add to it that the Father would not consent to guide them to the Island of Ste. [274 i.e., 276] Croix, and had tried to keep the English from going to Port Royal, there would be no danger of his escaping from the hands of the Marshal, from which they had hardly rescued him before, although then they had no claim upon him. Thus God willed that he should be saved that time, and still more wonderfully since then, as you will hear. Meanwhile, you will wisely observe to what madness the evil spirit incites those who sell themselves to him, and how [page 47] necessary it is to be cautious in believing slanders and detractions; for Father Biard had lived in Port Royal, and had always been universally recognized for what he is; namely, a good, native-born Frenchman, who had never even been in Spain, neither he, nor his father, nor his mother, nor any of his kindred. Now notwithstanding all this, a Frenchman was found so possessed with the spirit of [275 i.e., 277] bloodshed, that to have him killed he was led to commit such a monstrous act of imposition, and while under the chastisement of God, derived no other advantage therefrom than to sell himself so hopelessly to Satan and to calumny. This exceeds all ordinary conceptions of wickedness, and it is difficult to conceive how a man can be so desperately given up to, and enslaved by sin.

[page 49]

CHAPTER XXXI. [i.e., xxx]

THE DEPARTURE FROM PORT ROYAL; VARIOUS ADVENTURES OF THE SHIPS; AND HOW WE WERE COMPELLED TO STOP AT THE AÇORES.

ON the ninth of November of this year, 16l3, the English left Port Royal, intending to go back to [276 i.e., 278] Virginia, and there to enjoy their booty during the following winter. Now from this time on, Lieutenant Turnel only looked upon Father Biard as an abominable rascal: he hated him still more when he thought of the past, for then he had openly shown his esteem and love for him on account of his naïve simplicity and open candor. But having seen the testimony in writing of so many Frenchmen, who assured him that he was a native Spaniard, and a wicked man, he preferred to believe that the Jesuit was a liar, rather than to disbelieve so many others who accused him. Therefore his hatred was all the more irreconcilable against the deep and impenetrable hypocrisy (as he thought) of a Spaniard, pretending to be a Frenchman, which he, reputed to be a man of sagacity and wisdom, had not been able to discover [277 i.e., 279] in so long a time, but had allowed himself to be drawn by it into great familiarity and friendship. Such was the wrath of Captain Turnel, whom I shall hereafter call simply Captain and no longer Lieutenant, because we are going to be separated [from the other ships]; hear in what way.

On the second day after our departure, on the eve [page 51] of St. Martin, so terrible a storm arose that our three vessels were scattered so effectually that they never came together afterwards, but all sailed away in different directions.

The barque was never seen again, and, no news of it having been heard, no one doubts that it was lost with the six Englishmen who were on board.

The Ship "Capitanesse," which Argal commanded, notwithstanding its hindrances, safely reached port [278 i.e., 280] in Virginia, after three weeks or thereabout. The Marshal (of whom we have spoken above) listened very willingly to Captain Argal as he related all that had taken place, and in a proper spirit of devotion awaited Father Biard, to shorten for him his voyages and to make him find the end of the world from the middle of a ladder; but God, master of life and all-powerful, disposes of his creatures according to his own good pleasure, and not according to the whims of human authority; taking pleasure in the title given him by the Psalmist, of being the Lord, Who delivers the poor from the hands of the strong, and the destitute from the power of those who strip him, as I am going on to show you he did.

The two Jesuits and a French boy were in the captured ship which had been committed to the care of Captain Turnel; this ship, [279 i.e., 281] separated from Argal by the tempest, was so incessantly followed by it for sixteen days, that the Captain, losing hope of being able to reach Virginia, called together all his people, and took counsel with them upon the best way to save their lives. For there seemed to be no probability that they would longer be able to combat the storms so as to keep near Virginia, because they had in the ships the horses taken from Port Royal, [page 53] and these spoiled as much of the water as they drank; the winds had so torn their sails and broken their gunwales and ropes, that they had nothing left with which to repair them; the stock of food was low, except the codfish, of which they had enough; but as to bread, they had had, during three months, only two ounces a day to each person, [280 i.e., 282] very rarely three; and so there remained but little of it. In this consultation, the sailors were of the opinion that their honor demanded them to hold out some days longer. And (in approval of their decision) fair weather came the next day, and bore them so far ahead that they judged they were no more than twenty-five leagues from their port.

To tell the honest truth, the Jesuits did not pray for this fair weather, knowing very well to what fate it was carrying them. Now God, taking pity on them, as I believe, aroused a lively and vigorous southwester, which blew right in the Englishmen's teeth, and forced them to lie to (as the saying is), to reef the sails, and to examine their consciences.

The Captain, seeing this fury [281 i.e., 283] Of the winds and waves, thought it well not to persist in his course, but decided to make for the Açores, 7 hundred leagues from there, to provide for their necessities and to wait for good weather. He turned the prow in that direction, and immediately thereafter they killed the horses which had been spoiling and drinking the water, so that it was all infected and had a bad smell; and even this was measured out to us in small quantities. But the horseflesh was very good, according to the taste of the Jesuits.

Now during these furious and horrible tempests, when all had good reason to look into their [page 55] consciences, God especially inclined the Captain to do so, in such a manner, that once, when he was feeling very repentant, he called Father Biard and held with him the following conversation, which I here insert almost word for word: for this [282 i.e., 284] Captain spoke good French, and many other common languages, besides Latin and Greek, which he understood very well; he was a man of great intelligence and a thorough student. "Father Biard" (said he) "God is angry at us, I see it clearly; he is angry at us, I say, but not at you; angry at us, because we went to make war upon you without first giving you notice, which is contrary to the rights of nations. But I protest that it was contrary to my advice, and my inclination. I did not know what to do, I had to follow, I was merely a servant. But I tell you I see very clearly that God's wrath is kindled against us, but not against you, although on your account: for you do nothing but suffer." The Captain pausing here, you may judge whether or not the Jesuit failed to make a suitable answer. The Captain [283 i.e., 285] took up another phase of the question. "But, Father Biard" (says he) "it is strange that your countrymen from Port Royal should accuse you thus." The Father answers, "But, Sir, have you ever heard me slander them?" "By no means," he says, "but I have clearly observed that when evil things are said of them, both before Captain Argal and before me, you have always defended them, of which I am a good witness." "Sir" (the Father says) "draw your own conclusions from that, and judge which have God and truth on their side, whether the slanderers, or the charitable." "I know that very well," says the Captain, "but, Father Biard, did not charity make you [page 57] lie, when you told me we should find nothing but misery at Port Royal?" "Pardon me," answers the Father, "I beg you to remember that I told you only [284 i.e., 286] that when I was there, I saw and found nothing but misery." "That would be all right," says the Captain, if you were not a Spaniard, as they say you are for, being one, the great good which you desire for the French is not on account of the love you bear them, but on account of your hatred of the English." Upon this Father Biard entered into a long explanation; but he could never eradicate this opinion from the Captain's mind, who said it was not credible that five or six Frenchmen, surrounded by afflictions, would have consented to sign a false accusation against a Priest, one of their own fellow-citizens, deriving no other profit therefrom than to destroy him, and in this way to satisfy their evil passions.

I have narrated this to you that the kindly dispositions of providence may be recognized, and that you may understand how God [285 i.e., 287] proceeded, little by little, to prepare the heart of the Captain. For both he and his crew were greatly perplexed, when they found themselves near the Açores. The reason for this was, that these Islands are inhabited by Catholic Portuguese, so the English judged that, in anchoring there, they would have to allow the ship to be visited; and if in this visit the priests were discovered, it would be all over with them, for the Jesuits, as Catholics, would be liberated, and they [the English] would be hanged, or at least condemned to the chain and ball, as robbers of Priests.

The remedy for this evil was an easy one; namely, to make the Jesuits take a leap into the sea. [page 59] Nevertheless, as I have shown you, the fear of God was awakened, and this contended for them. Our Lord indeed who [286 i.e., 288] protected them through the prayers of his glorious Mother, caused the Captain to decide to conceal them in the hold of the ship, hoping this would suffice for their security, as it did; but the good faith of the Jesuits assisted therein, as you will soon hear.

[page 61]

CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]

HOW THE SHIP WAS VISITED AT THE AÇORES, AND HOW THE JESUITS KEPT THEIR PROMISE TO THE ENGLISH.

GOD'S hand was evidently stretched over the Jesuits for their protection, as you have been able to see heretofore. It was also manifest in ,another danger through which they passed, and which we do not relate here, lest we be tedious, in which, nevertheless, [287 i.e., 289] they confess to have felt more fear than in many others, and not without cause. This divine protection was even more evident in removing all apprehensions of danger from the Captain. For if he had foreseen the great risks which he ran afterwards, I am not sure that he or his crew would have been so conscientious as not to have resolved upon murder, before falling into the perplexities to which they were in this way reduced.

They came to the Island of Faeal, one of the Açores, where, upon their arrival, they intended only to anchor near the town, to send their boat for a supply of water, which they needed most, and to buy a few biscuit and other very necessary articles. In this way it was quite easy [288 i.e., 290] to conceal the Jesuits; for those vessels which are some distance from the land are only slightly visited, and, this visit over, all danger is past. This was the reason why the Captain so readily resolved not to use cruelty. But fate found other ways and means, which he had not [page 63] considered; for he was obliged to enter the harbor and remain in full view of the town, and of other ships. There, by an unlucky accident, our ship ran foul of a Spanish caravel, loaded with sugar, and broke its bowsprit; the Spaniards thought this was a ruse by means of which to surprise their vessel and rob it, just as a French ship had done in the same port five weeks before; and so they began to cry "pirates!" at the same time arming their crew; just a [289 i.e., 291] little more and they would have come to blows. There was great commotion and noise in the town, and considerable alarm throughout all the ships in the harbor. The Captain had to go on shore, and remain there as a hostage and security; and even then, no one could believe that he was other than a Pirate. They came to visit and revisit the ship, and the Jesuits played, as the saying is, at hide and seek, from top to bottom, from dungeon to hold, always finding some new hiding place. Now during the liveliest and fiercest suspicions, and disputes, the Spaniards came to visit the ship, and the poor Fathers and the French boy were huddled behind a boat, still and breathless; for if they had even breathed a little loud, or moved hand or foot, they would have been discovered. The thing was so dangerous that our English were seized with a [290 i.e., 292] panic. But the Jesuits wished to continue to keep faith with them for several reasons, and among others to make the slanderers of the Catholic Church really see that they ascribed to it wrongfully and untruthfully the doctrine that it is not necessary to keep faith with heretics; which is totally false and contrary to its belief. But let us return to the Spaniards. They never discovered the said fathers in their visit, and went away with a very high [page 65] opinion of the English. The latter, when they saw them outside, recovering from the panic into which they had been thrown, began to embrace the Fathers as effusively, and to make as great a celebration in acknowledgment of their sincerity, as a company of kind kindred and friends would make at a peaceful reunion after a very long [291 i.e., 293] absence and separation. These same English have often since then praised the Fathers for this their fidelity, in the presence of their Ministers in England; and the Ministers have thereupon made great demonstrations of astonishment and admiration.

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CHAPTER XXXII.

THE ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND; AND THE DELIVERANCE OF THE JESUITS.

THE English were occupied three entire weeks at this Island, which we call Focal, and during this time the poor Jesuits were not able to see the Sun. Now as these English were in need of money, they could not fit themselves out there, and this made them firmly [292 i.e., 294] decide to make no further attempt to return to Virginia, but to go back to England, especially as they now found themselves in the present year, 1614, which was the term of their service. Now on our way to England the tempest cast us out of la ma[n]che{6} (as it is called); that is, out of the Channel between France and England, and we were obliged to take refuge in the Harbor of Milfier [Milford], in the Province of Wales. There again all provisions failed us, which compelled our Captain to go to Pembroch [Pembroke], the principal city of this place, and a Vice-admiralty. But at Pembroke he was taken prisoner, as they suspected him of being a Pirate. The suspicion arose from the fact that he and his crew were English, yet their ship was made after French [293 i.e., 295] models, which made them think he came from Port de Gryp on the Arcin Islands, this side of Cape Escumant. The Captain justified himself as well as he could, by telling the truth; but they did not believe him, inasmuch as [page 69] he had no Commission, and could not have had, because being nothing but a Lieutenant he followed his Captain, from whom he was accidentally separated by the storm, as you have heard. For this reason he was obliged to produce, as witnesses of his honesty, the two Jesuits whom he had in his ship, irreproachable men, as he said, and said truly.

Immediately, by command of the Magistrate, the Jesuits were summoned to come on shore, where they were very respectfully interrogated in a Court of justice. They stated the real facts of the case, and upon their testimony the Captain was [294 i.e., 296] acknowledged to be a gentleman of honor and of worth; as to the disentanglement of our difficulties about new France, these were to be reserved for the King. Nevertheless, we had to make a very long sojourn at Pembroke, awaiting an answer from London, for it was necessary to send there, partly to obtain money, partly to make known the affair to the high Admiral, and the company of Merchants who have charge of Virginia.

And here admiration makes me pause and hold my breath, to cry out with the Wise Man, That the dispensations of Divine providence are truly arranged by compass, joined harmoniously, and measured by weight and balance even to the half of a grain. For this call of the Jesuits was without doubt a contrivance of this paternal providence, which everywhere assisted them; inasmuch as, [295 i.e., 297] if they had remained in the ship, as they were doing, in want of everything, in the depths of winter (for it was February), and had continued to do this during four weeks, it is probable that they would have died of cold and starvation; but, by means of this summons, they became known [page 71] to the judge, honorable and grave personage as he is, and he, having heard how badly off they were in the ship, had them lodged in the house of the Mayor of the city, and paid for them himself, saying they might pay it back if they had the means, otherwise it would be given to God. "For" (said he), "it would be a great disgrace to us if such honorable and learned men were not received among us with courtesy." This kind Gentleman's name is Nicolas Adams, Vice admiral of Pembroke.

Now during this sojourn [296 i.e., 298] all kinds of people went to see them, and some from a great distance, through curiosity to see Jesuits dressed in their robes, as they were then and always have been until their return to France. Ministers, justices, Gentlemen, and others came to confer with them; even a Lord of the great Council wished to have the pleasure of pitting four Ministers against them in debate. I say Ministers, to make myself intelligible to the French, for in England they call them Priests. And the Chief one in the debate was an Archdeacon, for the English still have a great many things in common with the Catholic Church, as the Order of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, Archpriests, Archdeacons, Curates, Canons, etc.; the Episcopal laying on of hands in the ordination of Priests, [297 i.e., 299] and lesser Orders, and in the confirmation of children; the Chrism and its ceremonies, the sign of the Cross, the Image of this and of other things; the Psalmody and usual form of worship, the prescribed Saints' days, the Vigils, Fasts, Lent, Abstinence from meat on Friday and Saturday; Priestly robes, and consecrated vessels. And those who condemn all these things, as the [page 73] Calvinists of France and of Scotland do, and call them damnable superstitions, and inventions of the Antichrist, are by the English called Puritans, and are detested by them as abominable plagues.

When at last an answer came from London, it was learned that the Ambassador of France{7} had heard about the arrival of this ship, and was negotiating its surrender, [298 i.e., 300] especially the surrender of the Jesuits, having had orders to do so from his most Christian Majesty. This was another effect of divine Providence, since it caused this our arrest in the Province of Wales to the end that it might be known to all; for we have strong proofs, and you will soon see some of them, that if the Merchants in whose hands lay the administration of Virginia, had been able to have their own way, not one foreigner who was to be found in Virginia, would ever have returned to his own country.

To finish our story as quickly as possible, note that the Jesuits were taken by a long roundabout way to the Harbor of Sanduicts [Sandwich], and from there sent to Dover by order of the King, and from Dover to Calais, where they rendered thanks to God for such signal blessings [299 i.e., 301] and providences, for which they had good cause, having been nine months and a half in the hands of the English. Sieur d'Arquien, Governor of Calais, and Monsieur la Baulaye, Dean, gave them a very warm reception and provided them with means to return to their College at Amiens.

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CHAPTER XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]

THE RETURN OF SIEUR DE LA MOTE, OF CAPTAIN FLORY AND OTHERS, AND THE SURRENDER OF THE SHIP.

SHORTLY after this liberation of the Jesuits, God in his mercy rescued nearly all the others who had been shipwrecked, and in the following way.

The boy who was with the Jesuits, called Guillaume Crito, [300 i.e., 302] was taken to London and thence sent to his Father at Honfleur.

At the same time sieur de la Mote also returned to England in a vessel from the Bermudas, which had stopped at Virginia.

Captain Argal generously contended with Marshal Thomas Deel{4} (of whose great asperity of temper you have heard us speak) to obtain from him permission for sieur de la Mote to return, and at last it was granted.

Now this sieur la Mote was very much astonished when suddenly, on arriving in England, no one spoke to him any more, nor looked at him, and he found himself forsaken by all; and the worst of it was that he was taken sick on board the ship. He immediately suspected the nature of the danger which threatened him, and whence it came; namely, from the Virginia merchants, [301 i.e., 303] who would have liked to get rid of him, and did not know how. Therefore he tried by secret means, and finally [page 77] succeeded in having his story made known to Monsieur de Bisseaux, worthy Ambassador of his most Christian Majesty, who immediately sent to him two Gentlemen who had him liberated and well treated, as he deserved to be for his courage and his valor.

At the same time also Madame la Marquise de Guercheville sent la Saussaye to London, to request the surrender of the ship, and reparation for the wrongs involved in this iniquitous robbery. The ship has been given up, but, up to the present, nothing else has been obtained.

And now, just as our ship, having been set free, was about to wing her way to France, her native land, behold, Captain Flory, her Master, [302 i.e., 304] as if by appointment, arrives upon the scene to step in and take command of her.

Captain Argal, about to return to England, had rescued him and two other Frenchmen from the hands of the Marshal. Certainly this Argal has shown himself such a person that we have reason to wish for him that, from now on, he may serve a better cause and one in which his nobility of heart may appear, not in the ruin, but in the preservation of honest men.

Of all our number, three died in Virginia, and four still remain there, for whose liberation everything possible is being done. May God in his mercy give them patience, and may he derive from our affliction whatever good is acceptable to his providence and mercy. Amen.